17 January 2026

Barack Obama

Recommendation

This blatantly positive profile of presidential candidate Senator Barack Obama presents the man, his positions and specific responses to the criticisms against him. Extensive direct quotes from the candidate himself plus 30 pages of footnotes buttress the book’s powerful, if partisan, presentation. John K. Wilson, a former student of Obama’s, omits some important things, however, it is only fair to note that some hot campaign topics (such as Reverend Wright) emerged after the book’s publication. Wilson also makes a few odd comments (for instance, drawing a link between low black unemployment and the high incarceration rate under Bill Clinton). Still, he sets forth a compelling case for Obama and provides observations about the Senator’s formative years, accomplishments and policies. He offers some good insights, for example, he discusses the role cynicism plays in politics and the role of white guilt. While Wilson sometimes gets carried away with his support of the candidate, he notes that both the far right and the far left have attacked Obama, so he must be doing something correctly. BooksInShort recommends this to voters who want the story (albeit somewhat sunny) behind the candidate and to Obama supporters seeking more information about their presidential hopeful.

Take-Aways

  • First-term Senator Barack Obama, 45, announced his U.S. presidential candidacy on February 10, 2007, in Springfield, Illinois.
  • Obama is the first post-Baby Boom politician to run for national office.
  • He said his work as a community organizer was the “best education” he ever received, even after attending Harvard University and Yale Law School.
  • Obama pledged that his presidential campaign will not “tear people down.”
  • He said he would focus on unity and hope for the future.
  • Obama is older than Teddy Roosevelt, Bill Clinton and John F. Kennedy were when they declared their presidential candidacies.
  • Obama has served 12 years as an elected official, longer than Hillary Clinton, but shorter than John McCain.
  • A 2007 poll found Obama was the most popular candidate among 18- to 24-year-olds.
  • He earned a groundswell of campaign support, despite critics on the left and the right.
  • Political cynicism causes self-censorship; people talk about what cannot be done instead of what can be accomplished.

Summary

Avoiding Slash-and-Burn Politics

Barack Hussein Obama announced his presidential candidacy on February 10, 2007, in Springfield, Illinois. Stressing the need for serious change and his membership in a “different generation,” Obama, 45, said the U.S. had suffered “small-minded,” “24-hour, slash-and-burn” politics, which prevented progress and hurt the country.

“Obama does represent a new kind of politics that seems perfectly tailored for his new generation.”

Born in 1961, Obama is the first post-Baby-Boom politician to run for national office. He has a strong connection with Generation-X voters. Many college students remember only President Bush senior and junior, and Bill Clinton. To them, Ronald Reagan is a figure from the distant past. Obama’s fresh ideas and youth appeal to this new generation of American voters. Due to his age, Obama knows the importance and possibilities of the tumultuous ’60s, along with their limitations, for example why Baby Boom politicians Bill Clinton and George W. Bush were not forthcoming about their drug use and avoidance of military service in Vietnam.

“Obama is proposing a paradoxical generational politics that’s about transcending generations in the same way that it’s about transcending party boundaries.”

Obama often discusses the power of uniting people, and rejects the divisions caused by polarized disagreements between liberals and conservatives. Hoping to minimize that partisanship and animosity, he advocates full disclosure (and admits having used marijuana and cocaine) as a mechanism for bringing people together. He disavows the classification of “red” and “blue” states and recognizes that individual voters have complex views.

“Obama believes a more united politics can be more effective at making progress than the political divisions that have become so common today.”

His presidential campaign revolves around these ideas. Chief strategist David Axelrod said that was designed to focus on unity and not to “tear people down.” One of Obama’s strong points, he asserts, is that he would steer a straight political course and not cater to the Democratic Party’s fringes. Obama rejects traditional political cynicism that vilifies campaign opponents as evil and says that this attitude results from “decades of disappointment,” negative ads and biting talk radio hosts who dismiss any politician who lacks an ulterior motive as naïve and ineffective. In this environment, Obama stated, “Politics is not a noble calling; it’s a game.”

“It was in Springfield that Obama learned how to negotiate and compromise and bring together bipartisan alliances, which have become his strongest political skills.”

Cynicism also sets a mood that emphasizes what can’t be done instead of what can be accomplished. Americans feel anxious because they don’t see any way to solve the nation’s ills, despite the possibilities of the future. Obama cites the value of compromise to counter cynicism. He believes that achieving something is better than walking away with nothing. For Obama, even old-time cynicism has a positive side. It shines the spotlight on problems. That may help explain how the sarcastic Daily Show actually has made young people better informed about the issues. They are also optimistic about the future, despite serious problems concerning the environment, health care and Social Security. Obama hopes to channel their optimism, not just so he can win the election, but also to help transform the nation.

New Issues

During the 2008 presidential election, newer issues – globalization, technology, the war on terrorism, global warming and the Iraq War – will replace many traditional national issues. As a result of his positions and his fresh outlook, Obama has attracted young people, independents and disillusioned older voters. That broad appeal drew GOP voters in his 2004 Illinois Senate race. Younger voters remain excited about him. A 2007 Harvard Institute poll found that Obama was the most popular candidate among 18- to 24-year-olds, an age group which will vote this fall in increasingly greater numbers. A 2006 exit poll found that younger voters are more likely to vote Democratic, one reason Obama views them as the main contributors to his success. He recognizes their optimism, which seems to confirm his belief that change is possible.

Community Organization

Obama’s mid-1980s work as a community organizer in an African-American neighborhood on Chicago’s South Side shaped his political philosophy. He called it the “best education” he ever received, though he attended Harvard University and Yale Law School. Doing this work, Obama discovered that cynicism blocked people from participating in politics. His work as an organizer led to his decision to make public service his career. As he said, “I found my calling.” Obama’s basic community organizing principles are:

  • Present all issues and be open.
  • People are more involved when they actively participate in the decision-making process on public issues.
  • Include the community in all discussions, even people who are against your proposals.
  • Exclusion only weakens your position. Find common ground.
“The experience issue has clearly hurt Obama’s chances.”

His principles produced results. In 1992, his efforts helped generate 150,000 new voters – and they contributed to the election of the first African-American woman to serve as a U.S. Senator.

Based on his fund-raising success on the Internet, notably on the networking site MySpace, Obama may use the Web again to complement his community-organizing vision. The Internet is suited for Webcasts and meetings, as well as for soliciting feedback. This innovative use of the Internet would also redistribute power to the public and away from political consultants.

The Experience Question

The media contends that Obama lacks experience. Some reporters said he has more style than substance, but the facts speak for themselves. He served eight years in the Illinois state senate, and has offered (on his Web site) more policy papers on major national issues than any other candidate. In reality, the media did not want to discuss his policies. Other reporters have said he is too young to be president, but he is older than Teddy Roosevelt, Bill Clinton and John F. Kennedy were when they declared their candidacies. Kennedy, Clinton and Jimmy Carter were all elected with less experience than their opponents. Obama has spent more time (12 years) as an elected official than seven of the original 2008 candidates. Only John McCain has served longer.

“Obama should be described as a pragmatic progressive rather than a centrist, even if sometimes his rhetoric and his policies may seem to be moving to the middle.”

While the media clamors for more experienced candidates, voters seem to find less experienced people more interesting and electable. In the 2008 Democratic primary, the frontrunners were all newcomers.

Black Enough?

As the child of a white mother and a black father, Obama has been accused of being too white, too black and not black at all. Because he is an Ivy League graduate, many blacks wonder if he has lost touch with the black community or if he is fully versed in its issues, including civil rights and poverty. Some African-American commentators said his multicultural background and his upbringing in Indonesia, Kenya (his father’s homeland) and Hawaii compromise his stated commitment to African-Americans. His problem may be, as one pundit said, that he does not fit the traditional stereotype among blacks since he was not raised in the southern U.S.

“Obama’s call for a new kind of politics is telling baby boomer politicians to grow up and get beyond petty political thinking.”

Blacks tend to hold black candidates to a higher standard. Obama has been a civil-rights lawyer and community organizer. He has opposed racial profiling and advocated an earned-income credit. These issues interest African-Americans, but he has not gotten credit for his work. Obama supports affirmative action, but only for those who were deprived of a quality education because they attended inferior schools. Under these criteria, he has said that his daughters should not be eligible for affirmative action since they are “pretty advantaged.” His wife Michelle, a graduate of Princeton and Harvard Law School, also has been quizzed about whether she is “black enough.”

Attacks from the Right

Obama has been on the receiving end of unfounded attacks from the political right, including the claim that he attended a Muslim school in Indonesia as a child. Obama has written that he spent five years in Indonesia as a youngster, attended a Catholic school, and then went to a predominantly Muslim school. Both of his parents were atheists. He said that his mother, an anthropologist, just wanted him to get a basic nonreligious education. Obama attended a mosque, but mainly to play with other young boys. A CNN reporter visited the school and found it similar to an ordinary public school, with students learning math and science, and joining the Boy Scouts.

“Obama has already brought in a new generation of voters.”

Critics also have found fault with Obama’s name, Barack Hussein Obama Jr. (identical to his father’s), which they incorrectly said he refused to use publically. The motive behind such attacks was to “prove” that Obama is a radical Muslim who will somehow sneak into the White House. He is, in fact, a Christian. While the conservative right has slurred Obama, their primary goal is to complete their vendetta against Hillary Clinton. Given this perspective, they like Obama since he has the potential to prevent her from getting the Democratic Party nomination.

Attacks from the Left

Democratic leftists also fault Obama for not being liberal enough. Some of these criticisms have been more vehement than those from the Right, because Obama is a capitalist and a reformer, not a crusader and not divisive. Leftist critics have faulted him for not being more critical of the Bush administration, and not sufficiently supporting Israel, campaign finance reform and gay marriage. These far left criticisms miss the point. Obama believes that the Bush administration is “irresponsible and often incompetent,” but he thinks the American people do not believe Bush is evil or that the U.S. is imperialist. Americans are nonideological, he believes, but now the nation is too polarized to become unified. Obama feels that reform requires popular support, particularly if it is to address tough issues such as health care, globalization, terrorism and protection of civil liberties. Obama’s incremental, pragmatic-progressive approach is distinct from Bill Clinton’s triangulation strategy, but he does not blindly follow a utopian progressive line.

The Role of Religion

Obama is pro-choice and acknowledges that religion plays an important part of many Americans’ lives. He recognizes the need for a serious discussion about religion’s role in a pluralistic democracy. Democrats largely walk away from addressing organized religion. The Republicans have long filled this vacuum and used religious fundamentalists to invigorate their party. Obama believes the U.S. can preserve the separation of church and state, and still have a national religious discussion.

“Americans want someone who’s right rather than a politician with a lot of experience at being wrong.”

As a rationalist, Obama believes religion should support a person’s values and actions. He differs from biblical literalists, and thinks religion leads to “doubt, and uncertainty and mystery.” If this were not so, then it would not be called “faith,” since the opposite is firm knowledge. Because the existence of heaven is unknowable, he said, people should focus on improving what they do each day. His mother, an anthropologist, taught him that the major religions share a common belief system, based on achieving a common good and examining a person’s purpose on earth.

Political Accomplishments

Obama served in the Illinois legislature for eight years and passed a number of bills on a variety of important issues, such as abortion, police brutality, ethics laws, health care, gender discrimination and death-penalty reform. His principled positions earned him the wrath of both extreme conservatives and liberals. Obama entered the Republican-controlled U.S. Senate in 2005 and despite the claims against him produced more legislation than the majority of his colleagues. In 2006, the National Journal listed him as the 10th most liberal Senator, a higher rating than Hillary Clinton’s because she had moved to a more centrist position.

“Obama alone will not bring a progressive revolution; no single individual can do that, not even a president.”

Obama supporters should not idealize him as someone who can cut through Washington’s entrenched system to accomplish far-reaching social change. He wants to “transform a nation,” but he is a pragmatist and a realist about bipartisan politics. Despite the critics, supporters believe that Obama can bring hope and trust back to national politics.

About the Author

John K. Wilson is the author of Patriotic Correctness, How the Left Can Win With Arguments and Influence People, A Tactical Manual for Pragmatic Progressives, Newt Gingrich, and Myth of Political Correctness.


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Barack Obama

Book Barack Obama

This Improbable Quest

Paradigm,


 



17 January 2026

Intelligent M&A

Recommendation

Scott Moeller and Chris Brady provide an insightful guide on how to be smarter about M&A. Not only do they remind you of everything that should be involved in the process, they help you think through your situation and determine how to avoid stepping on all the lurking landmines. Most mergers and acquisitions do not live up to expectations, and some actually destroy both companies. This happens when the urge to make the deal overcomes good sense and short circuits the use of sensible information. This book helps you ensure that you are pursuing the right deals. The authors provide sound advice on how to gather intelligence, how to use it to evaluate and negotiate the best deals, and how to learn from every deal – whether you close it or not. BooksInShort finds their book thoughtful, easy to read and wonderfully concise.

Take-Aways

  • Use business intelligence wisely and you will close better, more profitable deals.
  • Don’t underestimate the value of the intelligence you can gather from public sources.
  • Form a team to design merger and acquisition (M&A) deals that are best for your company over the long term.
  • Manage your M&A advisors; do not let them use you for their own benefit.
  • When you enter the M&A process, understand whether you are pursuing the target for strategic or financially opportunistic reasons.
  • Be sure you understand a target’s defenses before you start a hostile takeover.
  • Perform your own valuation of a target firm, in addition to consultants’ reports.
  • Negotiation of M&A deals is a rich, varied field that requires intense mastery.
  • Most M&A deals fail because the participants put too little thought into integrating the firms.
  • Performing after-action analysis can help you make better M&A deals in the future.

Summary

How Intelligence Makes for Better M&A

Every business publication has articles about mergers and acquisitions (M&A), from rumors of new deals to optimism about those just closed and regrets about combinations gone sour. Some M&A transactions do succeed, but a surprising number fail to justify their business purposes or meet their early hopes, often because the buyers got hooked on closing the deal and failed to verify whether their ambitions were based in reality or fantasy. Instead, use the available tools of business intelligence to identify good ideas and determine when to walk away from bad ones.

“By employing sufficient and first-rate intelligence as part of an M&A process, companies are able to achieve a higher degree of commercial success.”

The reason to pursue mergers and acquisitions is because they promote growth, lower costs and enable you to compete better in your market. M&A is not an exact science and outcomes are far from certain, but you can take steps to improve your chances of making sound, successful decisions. The risks are real, and mistakes can be costly for both the bidding company and the target. Move through the M&A process as if you are working your way through a minefield, using every available resource to avoid disaster and reach your objective.

What Is Business Intelligence?

Great M&A decisions begin with a solid understanding of your organization, your market sector, the regulatory environment that surrounds your firm and your target company, the politics of your industry, and the prevailing social attitudes toward both businesses and the market. Many professional services and industry consultants provide M&A intelligence. If you are adept at digging through the Web, you can get a great deal of valuable information for free from public sources. Delve into these seven categories of business intelligence:

  1. “Immediate intelligence” – Information you need to help you in the next 24 hours.
  2. “Continuing intelligence” – More rigorously gathered data that informs your decisions andactions.
  3. “Technical intelligence” – R&D and product development information.
  4. “Analytical intelligence” – Useful indicators and how to update them systematically.
  5. “Internal intelligence consulting” – Background on how to use the data you have.
  6. “Activated intelligence” – Intelligence work in response to in-house requests.
  7. “Counter-intelligence” – Measures that protect your sensitive information.

Acquisition Design

When you seek an acquisition, begin by making a long list of potential targets and evaluating them according to your strategic needs. Form a team and select a project manager to analyze, rank and select the targets. Conduct valuations and create structures for possible offers. If you are considering selling a company, analyze the business case. Does it make sense? Determine the value of your company, and the prices and payment structures you would find acceptable. If your firm is the seller, assemble a team to develop a long list of potential buyers. As you accept proposals, streamline your long list and work toward selecting the preferred bidder. Both sides need to work cooperatively and protect confidential information. Information leaks, whether malicious or just careless, destroy many deals. Keep your work on a need-to-know basis.

Managing Your M&A Advisors

In most large M&A deals, each side has consultants and attorneys to help with financing, tax implications, regulatory compliance, intellectual property, and operational and IT integration. Do not let these third parties run the deal. Their interests may not align well with yours. Too often, companies lose good deals because their advisors keep objecting and extending the timeline somewhere toward infinity. One of your most important M&A intelligence tasks is finding the right advisors, understanding their interests and managing them closely to serve your interests. Never let an advisor become the tail that wags the deal.

Selecting M&A Targets

M&A deals fall into two broad categories. “Strategic acquisitions” improve your market position by giving you more reach, complimentary technologies or a boost toward your strategic goals. An “opportunistic purchase” is a deal that looks good because of its price and profit potential. Strategic deals must make financial success, and opportunistic deals need to make business sense, but one facet is likely to dominate and define your primary deal-assembly considerations.

“Merging or acquiring can be a threat to the current shareholders or a great opportunity. The outcome is never preordained.”

Use the best business intelligence available to challenge your assumptions, and make sure your thinking and hopes are reality-based. You do have alternatives to M&A. Internal growth may take longer, but you can see the path ahead. Organic growth does not grab headlines, but it works. You can reorganize your firm by selling nonstrategic assets or realigning your structure to implement your vision. Look into joint ventures, strategic partnerships or small investments in a potential target. Strongly consider doing nothing and continuing as you are. The sense of urgency to do something often becomes a panic to do anything and can lead to disaster.

Defending against Takeover

Not every acquisition target is happy about the prospect. Companies developed lines of defense when leveraged buyouts (LBOs) became popular during the 1980s. Publicly traded firms face this risk because anyone can buy enough voting shares to exert control. Public firms with heavy assets are prime targets because buyers can use a company’s own cash and liquid assets to help finance the purchase. Your best defense against a hostile takeover is to keep your firm private. Some public firms adopt “poison pills,” preapproved actions that management will take in the face of a hostile purchase. Poison pills often involve radical dilution of existing shares, rich buyouts for top management and restrictions on replacing board members. Some firms turn to more desirable buyers (“white knights”). Others generate negative PR about the potential take-over firm.

Better Due Diligence

Even major companies can experience rude awakenings after acquisitions. VeriSign won praise when it purchased the high-flying German company Jamba AG. Unfortunately, Verisign did not know that much of Jamba’s revenue came from distributing pornography, or that it was the target of lawsuits, regulatory problems and bad publicity. This should have come out during due diligence, a serious step you must handle thoroughly and professionally. Rather than avoiding bad news that might derail a deal, work hard to discover any flaws so you can avoid a costly mistake.

“All mergers and acquisitions should be based on a sound corporate strategy.”

Analyze the macroeconomic and regional issues surrounding your M&A target and its industry, including relevant trends. Compare historical numbers to see if the forecast is realistic. If it predicts a sudden positive change, is the rationale sound? How does your target handle competition, innovation and industry changes? Beware of pending obsolescence. Investigate operations, profitability, cash flow, receivables, IT systems and R&D. Dig into legal issues facing the firm, and check its HR policies and turnover. What are its fixed assets? What intellectual property does it have and what is it worth? Does it have unsettled environmental issues? Investigate thoroughly. A bad deal is a bad deal. Find out before you write the check.

Deciding What It’s Worth

Valuation has become its own field of study, with many books and articles examining the topic and its various techniques. When you pursue a publicly traded firm, you have the benefit of the market price as starting point. However, you have to do your own work to decide what it is worth to you. What can you do with the firm to increase its value? When you set out to buy a company, the price will rise because you have created new demand. In strategic purchases, you might need to offer a higher per-share price to persuade the present owners to sell control of the company.

“M&A is a means to an end – not just an end in itself. Unfortunately, in many deals the focus is exclusively on completing the deal and not enough attention has been paid to...various organizational and people issues.”

Specialized consultants can calculate the value of a firm in various ways, but also perform your own valuations to get a sense of their results. Never take the target’s financial statements at face value. You will need to adjust certain aspects of their evaluation of assets, liabilities, income and cash flows to reflect the company’s value to you. Valuing public firms is easier because these statements are available. To select a private firm as your target, you must estimate its value. Once you are engaged, have your experts carefully review the private company’s financial statements and compare them to a realistic audit before a final valuation. If you are buying a struggling company, its liquidation value is useful. Book value clarifies a company’s current position. Use comparative value to see the company in its competitive context. The most popular method of valuation is discounted future cash flows (DCF) because most of the value of any firm resides in its future earning power.

Getting to an Agreement

Even if you know you can add value to the target, buy it in a way that leaves that value in your pocket. You can gather intelligence about your prospective target and gain some measure of ownership without paying a premium. For example, buy a toehold (3% to 5%) to get more access to information. When you announce your decision to purchase, you will probably realize gains on these shares to help pay for the acquisition. You also can make a “bear hug” pitch to the board, a strategy that starts friendly, but carries a threat of hostile takeover. You might ignore the board, and make a tender offer for shares with conditions and prices that encourage people to act early.

“Job losses – often as high as 5% to 15% of the employees of the combined organizations – go hand in hand with every merger or acquisition.”

Your strategy depends on the kind of bid, the personalities involved and your intentions. Trying to wrench control of a target away from its management is complex because you must anticipate how it will resist. Where possible, a cooperative method is best and cheaper. You know what the target is worth to you, so use methods that capture its value. Hold your cards close, don’t lead with your best price, don’t change your price easily or often, and don’t get forced to negotiate against your own interests. Document the process so you can always justify your actions.

Putting the Companies Together

The real work begins once you win the deal. Many M&A deals have faltered because the planning for actually merging the firms happened in an information vacuum and fell apart when it hit reality. These transactions fit four broad categories:

  1. Brave New World – Both companies will disappear within a new entity. This option runs the highest risk and requires the most care.
  2. “Digestion” – The acquiring firm swallows the target. Beware of culture shock.
  3. “Reverse takeover” – The acquiring firm takes on the target’s identity. Prepare your team for the shifts this requires and prepare the target firm for management changes.
  4. “Business as usual” – Both companies carry on as usual with minimal integration.
“High business risk should be matched by low financial risk, and vice versa.”

Each of these contains real risk and mismatching your approach to the acquisition style will only magnify the dangers. Use this acronym to remember the keys to merger success: “LEARN CIA. Leadership, Engineer successes, Act quickly, Retain key employees, Nurture clients, Communicate, Integrate the two cultures, Adjust, plan and monitor.”

What Did You Learn?

Apply intense after-action analysis to every merger or acquisition you attempt or complete to extract value from the experience. What worked? What disappointed your team? What surprised you? Why? How good were your estimates? If you plan on acquiring more companies, turn M&A into a center of strength with systematized resources. Create a process with a designated team. Look closely at the advisors on both sides. You might find someone talented to help you next time. Every M&A deal is different, just like every custom-tailored suit. But that doesn’t mean each suit is utterly unique. The tailor uses a set of core principles to design, cut and assemble each one. Similarly, you can systematize acquisitions. Gather sound intelligence to avoid bad deals and to make good deals better. Apply it to more strategic moves. M&A is much more of an art than a science, but you can work it systematically. Be informed, thoughtful, strong and successful.

About the Authors

Scott Moeller runs Cass Business School’s executive education program. He worked in academia and industry, and headed a venture capital fund. Chris Brady, dean of Bournemouth University’s business school, completed his postgraduate studies in the Royal Navy.


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Intelligent M&A

Book Intelligent M&A

Navigating the Mergers and Acquisitions Minefield

Wiley,


 



17 January 2026

Alexis de Tocqueville

Recommendation

Many experts consider Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America the best book ever written on democracy and on the United States. Published in two series of separate volumes, in 1835 and 1840, Tocqueville’s political classic is filled with an astonishing number of penetrating insights and acute observations on the nature of democracy, the character of Americans and the exceptional nation they were carving out of the wilderness in the 1800s. Many of Tocqueville’s remarkably prescient judgments remain as valid today as they were when he wrote them more than 160 years ago. Hugh Brogan, political scientist and professor, provides an informative account of the life and times of this brilliant French intellectual who expertly captured the essence of America and Americans. Brogan’s heavily annotated, exhaustively referenced book is both exceedingly comprehensive and highly nuanced. Many say that to understand America, you should read Tocqueville’s classic book. BooksInShort says that to understand its renowned author, you should read this commanding biography.

Take-Aways

  • Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville came to America in 1831 to study the prison system.
  • The trip resulted in his great masterpiece, Democracy in America.
  • Tocqueville believed that unlimited democracy, though not immediately suitable for France, represented its inevitable future.
  • In his wide travels throughout America, Tocqueville saw that democracy truly worked. This ran counter to everything he had experienced in Europe.
  • An aristocrat by birth, Tocqueville learned in America that the middle class could successfully govern a modern nation.
  • Tocqueville’s trip to America turned him into a radical – that is, a republican.
  • Tocqueville greatly admired American federalism.
  • Tocqueville explained that he wrote Democracy in America to help future democratic nations better govern and direct themselves.
  • After the book came out, Tocqueville became a noted political figure in France.
  • Ironically, Tocqueville, democracy’s great champion, once wrote that he didn’t like it.

Summary

A Young Nobleman from Normandy

Alexis-Charles-Henri Clérel de Tocqueville was born in 1805 to a venerable aristocratic family in Normandy. He grew up to be a profound intellectual and the celebrated author of De la démocratie en Amérique (Democracy in America). His forebears were proud members of the long-standing ancien régime that ruled France for hundreds of years up until the French Revolution in the late 1700s. Throughout his life, Alexis de Tocqueville enjoyed the many, though diminished, privileges that noble families retained after the Revolution, and he wrote a famous book entitled L’Ancien Régime et la Révolution.

“I have long wanted to visit North America. I shall go there to see what a great republic is like.” [– Alexis de Tocqueville]

Tocqueville was democracy’s prophet, champion and proselytizer. Yet, from his childhood to his death in 1859, he was, from his head to his toes, a nobleman, and always conscious of his and his peers’ aristocratic rights. His family strongly supported the Bourbon kings. In 1793, his great-grandfather, Chrétien-Guillaume Lamoignon de Malesherbes, served as Louis XVI’s counsel before the National Convention. Not only was this renowned philosopher unsuccessful in the King’s defense, but he also soon followed Louis to the guillotine.

“[I wish] our royalists could see the domestic progress of a well-ordered republic...the real and effective liberty which everyone there enjoys.” [– Tocqueville]

Tocqueville was related by marriage to the ultra-royalist François-René de Chateaubriand, a noted French politician and writer. After the Empire fell, Chateaubriand followed the Bourbons into exile, though he eventually returned to France. The French Revolution had a profound effect on Tocqueville’s life and thinking. The revolutionary forces temporarily imprisoned many of his relatives, including his father. Unsurprisingly, though he was a proponent of democracy, Tocqueville routinely warned against the “tyranny of the masses.”

The Tocquevilles were “rustic Norman gentry, who spent their time farming or squeezing money out of the peasantry when they were not fighting in the King’s wars.”

As a child, Tocqueville was intelligent, eager, sensitive, respectful and warm-hearted, the type of youngster that charmed adults. Unfortunately, he inherited poor health from his mother, and illness plagued him throughout life until he finally died of tuberculosis at 54. Although he was raised in a devout Catholic family, Tocqueville rejected Christianity. Still, as a deist, he believed in God. Tocqueville possessed an anxious pessimistic personality. He suffered from constant doubt and feelings of loss, exacerbated, no doubt, by the unsettling upheavals that he and his family routinely experienced during and after the Revolution. Tocqueville could be hot-tempered. While he deeply loved his wife Mary (whom he later called Marie), Tocqueville once became enraged at her for dining so slowly, and threw the pie she was eating onto on the floor. Nonplussed, Marie calmly asked the maid for another piece.

Life as a Lawyer

Tocqueville studied the law and became an unpaid juge-auditeur (magistrate) at the Versailles prefecture. There he worked with lawyer Gustave de Beaumont, who became a lifelong friend and close companion. A great lover of learning, Tocqueville began a course of independent study with Beaumont. While their system of learning was informal, it was extremely rigorous, covering history and other subjects. As the member of a wealthy, aristocratic family, Tocqueville was able to manage easily without his own income, but after two years of diligent work, he hoped to be promoted to a paying position. When the great-nephew of the French minister of finance got the position Tocqueville wanted, he knew he was thoroughly stymied in his legal career. Further, political upheaval in France seriously precluded his future professional prospects. He therefore suggested to his friend Beaumont that they take this time to travel together to America.

Journey to America

Tocqueville proposed that he and his friend travel extensively throughout the République des Etats-Unis, turning that fascinating new country into their own special learning laboratory. They would thoroughly study the nation’s new democracy, its system of governance, and the attitudes and mores of its citizens, whom they would extensively interview. This trip turned out to be the great turning point in Tocqueville’s life.

“It is no paradox to say that the greatest event of Tocqueville’s life occurred before he was born: The French Revolution which decisively influenced almost everything that ever happened to him.”

To undertake this long journey, the two men needed to supply some sort of rationale to secure a leave of absence from their jobs at the Versailles prefecture. At the time, prison reform was an important topic in France, so they proposed to study America’s new prisons and issue a fact-finding report upon their return to France. Of course, prison reform was of secondary interest to them, since their ultimate goal was to learn as much as they could about the new American republic. However, the authorities were impressed with the preliminary work Tocqueville and Beaumont did as part of their prison reform study proposal, and granted the necessary leaves of absence. On April 2, 1831, they set sail for America on the ship Le Havre.

“Any American, taken at random, will be found to be hot in his desires, enterprising, adventurous...an innovator.” [– Tocqueville]

The two elegant young noblemen quickly made valuable contacts on board. They befriended a Miss Edwards, who helped them with their English. They also became close to the Schermerhorn family, wealthy New Yorkers who were returning home after a stay in Europe. On May 9, the Le Havre docked at Newport, Rhode Island, and the men boarded a steamship to New York.

Enjoying the Journey

High society toasted Tocqueville and Beaumont everywhere they went. Indeed, the two Frenchmen were nothing less than social sensations. The upper crust Americans they met were greatly taken with the grace, breeding, elegance and intelligence of the two young Frenchmen. Plus, the Americans felt honored that the French government had dispatched two representatives to their country to learn all they could about America’s penal system in order to improve their nation’s approach to this problem.

“These lands which are...nothing but one immense wood will become one of the richest...most powerful countries in the world.” [– Tocqueville]

Tocqueville and Beaumont thoroughly studied numerous prisons, including the famous Sing-Sing prison, just north of Manhattan, and the prisons in Philadelphia, where the Quakers’ had instituted world-famous prison reform. Tocqueville and Beaumont’s eventual penal system report – Le Système pénitentiaire aux États-Unis et son application en France – was well-received in France. But the two young men never lost sight of their primary task: learning all they could about America, its inhabitants and its democratic form of government.

“It is a mark of Beaumont’s excellent character that he never seems to have felt jealous of this rising star...[yet] if the characters of the two friends differed, their intellects were profoundly alike.”

During their nine-month stay in America, Tocqueville and Beaumont traveled extensively. Besides New York City, their journey also included stops in Albany, Buffalo, Boston, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, Pontiac, Detroit, Nashville, Charleston and New Orleans, among other places. They spent some time briefly in Canada, including the area that is now Quebec.

Tocqueville “despised...the politics of low ambition, vulgar camaraderie and envy.”

Tocqueville and Beaumont constantly wrote letters home to their families, describing their adventures, and offering their observations regarding the U.S. and its citizens. Along with their extensive notes, these letters eventually helped to lend structure to the books that they wrote when they returned to Europe. Tocqueville, of course, wrote Democracy in America. Sympathetic to social justice, Beaumont wrote a novel entitled Marie, ou l’esclavage aux Etats-Unis, a social critique about slave life in America.

Democracy in America

Through his extensive travels, as comprehensively detailed in his book, Tocqueville came to learn that democracy truly works in America. He saw democracy as a balance of equality and liberty. He noted that the U.S., with its dedication to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” differed radically from Europe with its aristocratic heritage and onerous caste system. In America, the white male citizens of the nation (but not women, slaves, Indians and indentured servants) were equal. Moneymaking, entrepreneurship, innovation and self-sufficiency were important, and noble titles were not. Private individuals, and separate townships, cities and states could determine and pursue their own primary interests. This contrasted sharply with Europe, where rigid lines tightly drawn across society severely limited freedom of action and opportunity.

“I supposed that the world was full of demonstrated truths...But when I applied myself to considering them, I perceived nothing but inescapable doubts.” [– Tocqueville]

One incontrovertible fact became clear to Tocqueville as he traveled across the America of the early 19th century: The middle classes – the farmers, shopkeepers, artisans, workmen and other “commoners” – could come together in a democratic fashion to govern themselves properly. When he met U.S. President Andrew Jackson, Tocqueville was impressed with the relative simplicity of the White House compared to Europe’s gilded palaces. He noted that Jackson, as head of state, apparently had no guards or courtiers. This was in sharp contrast to regal Europe, where a king could not swivel his head without bumping into some fawning member of the royal court. Tocqueville felt that American democracy was a brilliant triumph. Next to the successful American republic, he regarded the French republic as an “unclassifiable monster.”

“He understands how religion can make men live in peace and prepare them to die quietly. So he regrets the faith which he has lost and...fears to snatch it from those who possess it still.”

Tocqueville was a brilliant, lucid writer, which becomes immediately apparent when you read Democracy in America. The book is one of a kind. It is filled with good sense, and accurate observations and judgments, many of which are just as valid today as when Tocqueville first penned them during the 19th century. Tocqueville presents important new ideas in elegant prose. His dazzling masterpiece “sweeps you away.”

“Tocqueville’s prose, though dazzlingly lucid, was so packed with thought that it resisted superficial readers.”

The first series of volumes, which were received with great success, covers four main areas: an introduction, U.S. political institutions, political society and nondemocratic elements in America. The book repeatedly stresses that the people are sovereign in America. Tocqueville also carefully describes the U.S. court and jury system. Importantly, the book warns against the tyranny of the majority. Plus, it foresees the Civil War that would tear the U.S. apart from 1861-1865.

“I was thought of as a poor eccentric, who, robbed of his career, wrote...to kill time, admittedly a tolerable occupation since at any rate it is better to write a bad book than to go whoring.” [– Tocqueville]

Tocqueville hoped his book would convince his French countrymen to give democracy a chance. He understood that they could not all somehow magically transform themselves into Americans; indeed, the proud Frenchman would have shuddered at such an idea. But he firmly believed that the American system of democracy was transferable to other nations, including France. Nevertheless, ever a patrician, Tocqueville believed that the citizens of any democracy – including America – always require guidance, and he assumed that such guidance should always emanate from the privileged, upper class of society – that is, his own social strata. Tocqueville understood and accepted his own aristocratic instincts. Liberty and eternal truths were his primary passions. He thoroughly despised government centralization (which he considered evil), mob rule and what he termed “the threat of democratic despotism.”

Fame and Position

After the publication of De la démocratie en Amérique, Tocqueville became a famous man, not only in France and America, but throughout Europe. Intellectuals widely praised his book, including England’s John Stuart Mill, with whom Tocqueville developed a close friendship. Mill wrote that the book represented the “beginning of a new era in the scientific study of politics.”

Tocqueville received numerous awards, and was inducted into the Académie des sciences morales et politiques and the Académie francaise. Further, he was elected time and again to the French parliament. While he was a natural politician, Tocqueville never cared for politics per se. Indeed, he detested party politics. In his later years, he continued writing, and he experienced various political triumphs and pratfalls. This included being briefly imprisoned by Louis Napoleon, who became the emperor of France after a coup in 1852.

Tocqueville’s Last Days

Sickly throughout his life, Tocqueville was routinely beset by illnesses of one sort or another, including influenza and severe stomach attacks. Despite his relatively frail constitution and ill health, he was an avid traveler and an amazingly energetic writer. During the creation of one of his books, he described himself as toiling away like a monk in a monastery. His health began to seriously deteriorate in his late forties. He contracted tuberculosis and, surrounded by his wife, family and friends, he died in Cannes at age 53.

About the Author

Hugh Brogan is a research professor of history at the University of Essex in England. He is a former journalist with The Economist. Brogan taught extensively at various U.S. universities. His principal field of study is the history of the United States, with an emphasis on politics.


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Alexis de Tocqueville

Book Alexis de Tocqueville

Prophet of Democracy in the Age of Revolution - A Biography

Profile Books,
First Edition:2006


 




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